In memory of Desimir Tošić

In an earlier post I reported the passing of Desimir Tošić and promised more. I asked my friend Dejan Đokić, who teaches history at Goldsmiths College, to prepare a text for the blog. Below is Dejan's text (and for those of you in and around London, SSEES invites you to the launch of his book on 19 February):


Desimir Tošić (1920-2008)

Desimir Tošić died on 7 February, in John Ratcliffe Hospital in Oxford, aged 88. He was a unique and somewhat unconventional figure in modern Serbian history. Tošić was a politician who placed ideas and ideals above personal and material gain. He was a contemporary of Yugoslavia’s turbulent life and its death(s), but wrote about Yugoslav history and politics with an honesty, balance, critical stance and deep knowledge rarely found among professional historians. Although formally a politician, he was more of an enlightened educator whose ideas often clashed with party line, despite his unquestioned overall loyalty to the Democratic Party (DS), of which he was a member since the late 1930s. He was a Christian believer who was among the loudest critics of the Serbian Orthodox Church and its role in politics. As an émigré he was equally critical of both the then communist regime and of backward-looking emigration; following his return to Serbia in 1990 his friends included many former communists. One of them was Draža Marković, a leading communist politician in pre-Milošević Serbia, with whom Tošić went to high school in the 1930s. Another former leading communist, and later the first important East European dissident, Milovan Djilas, was a figure Tošić admired and wrote about.

Born in 1920 in Bela Palanka, southern Serbia, in what was then the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Tošić moved to Belgrade in the 1930s to complete his secondary education. The capital was politically highly polarized at the time, but Tošić joined the centrist Democratic Party. The Second World War and the German invasion interrupted his studies at Belgrade University’s Law Faculty. During the war, Tošić supported General Mihailović’s resistance movement, like many of his fellow Democrats, but already at the time and even more so in his postwar writings, he was critical of both Mihailović and Tito; he was also highly critical of the role of the monarchy in the interwar period, highlighting counterproductive policies of King Aleksandar and his ‘successor’ Prince Pavle. As a Mihailović supporter, Tošić was arrested by the Gestapo in 1943 and sent to work in Germany. He survived the war only to find himself as a refugee in France. There he met his future wife Coral, with whom he eventually settled in her native Britain in 1958.

As an émigré, Tošić was opposed to Tito’s communist regime, but he was not a staunch, vindictive anti-communist. Unlike most Yugoslav émigrés, he never advocated a return to some ancien régime in Yugoslavia, and he correctly argued that the communists had genuine support in the country. In the 1970s, he wrote that when changes eventually took place, they should be carried out, initially at least, together with reformed communists. This is indeed what happened across most of East-Central Europe in the late 1980s and early 1990s, but not in Serbia, where Slobodan Milošević took control of the Party.

In emigration, first from Paris and then from London, Tošić gathered like-minded younger Serb refugees around a group that called itself Oslobodjenje – ‘Liberation’, meaning liberation from all forms of dictatorship. He edited the Naša Reč (‘Our Word’) monthly between 1948 and 1990, with contributions from, among others, dissidents Milovan Djilas and Mihajlo Mihajlov, and academics such as historian Stevan Pavlowitch and economist Ljubo Sirc. Milovan Djilas’s son Aleksa, himself a political refugee, was a regular contributor in the 1980s. The group also published books, including the first Serbo-Croat edition of Milovan Djilas’s Conversations with Stalin (1986). Tošić was the animator and driving force of the organization, which spread itself across Western Europe, North America and Australia. Its activities were self-funded, as western institutions were careful not to antagonize Tito’s régime.

Tošić was a believer in a democratic and federal Yugoslavia, as well as in a united Europe. Together with Vane Ivanović, he was an early member of Jean Monnet’s European Movement. Tošić, Ivanović and Božidar Vlajić (one of the prewar leaders of the Democratic Party) were among the founders of the Democratic Alternative in 1963 – a group of pro-Yugoslav Bosniak, Croat, Serb and Slovene émigrés that called for the democratization of Yugoslavia. Other members of the DA included Ilija Jukić, Branko Pešelj (both of the Croatian Peasant Party), Franjo Sekolec, Miha Krek, Nace Čretnik (Slovenes). Three surviving members are Adil Zulfikarpašić, Nenad Petrović and Bogoljub Kočović.

In 1990, at the end of communist rule, Tošić returned to Yugoslavia to help re-establish the Democratic Party, of which he was to become one of the best-known members as well as its vice-president for a while. Leader of the DS youth section in the late 1930s, Tošić provided a rare direct link with the original Democratic Party of Ljuba Davidović and Milan Grol. This might explain why he was tolerated by the new party leadership in spite of his strong and outspoken criticism of Serbian nationalism and of the influential Orthodox Church, and in spite of not being part of the late Prime Minister Zoran Djindjić’s inner circle. Elected to the federal Yugoslav parliament in 1992, Tošić joined Dragoljub Mićunović’s Democratic Centre – a breakaway group, which eventually returned to the party fold in 2004.

Throughout the 1990s Tošić remained in Serbia, refusing to move back to Britain, where his wife lived permanently. He emerged as one of the bravest and most distinguished voices against war and nationalism. Although already advanced in years, he regularly published books and articles, gave interviews and took parts in debates across the country. His numerous writings offered fresh, non-nationalist perspectives on Serb-Croat relations, on the Second World War and on Yugoslav communism. Tošić opposed Serb policies in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo, but he also spoke out against the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia.

Desimir Tošić was a man of enormous energy which he devoted, until the final weeks of his life, to preaching democracy. He was surrounded by younger people – political activists, students and scholars who sought his advice and whose work-in-progress he read vigorously. He was modest, never claimed to know much – even though his knowledge was enormous – and always treated others with respect and as equals. He was particularly supportive of younger scholars, including three British-based academics: Jasna Dragović-Soso, Dejan Jović and the author of this obituary. As a historian of interwar Yugoslavia, I found in Tošić what Alexander von Humboldt must have found in parrots of the extinct Amazonian May-por-é tribe: the last surviving voice of a society long disappeared. I am both proud and sad that his last ever article, published only a week ago, was his review of my book on interwar Yugoslavia.

Tošić’s energy, critical thinking, deep knowledge, wisdom, moral integrity, sharp words and disarming, warm smile will be sorely missed – by his family and his many friends, but especially by Serbian society, still emerging from the traumas and upheavals of the past several decades.

He is survived by his wife Coral (née Rust) and two daughters, Ana and Nada.

Dejan Djokić, London 9 February 2008

Never have so many done so little for so few

Here's a cute little teaser from today's Blic on an item they promise to report tomorrow (my bad rush translation):

The Democratic Party (DS) and the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) have agreed in principle that early parliamentary elections should be held in September, but have not included DSS (the Democratic Party of Serbia) in their agreements. Behind this stands the intention of dividing up the support of that part of the electorate that favours the party of Vojislav Koštunica, says a high-ranking source in the governing coalition.

Koštunica has prepared an answer: he has offered the Radicals that in case of a declaration of independence [by Kosovo, pretpostavljam --EG] to declare a state of emergency, if possible with the support of SRS. The Radicals have not yet stated a position on this, but our sources tell us that Nikolić has already refused an offer by Koštunica to support a minority government of DSS and NS.

The matter of the survival of the government or the calling of early elections will be clearer after discussions between Tadić and Nikolić, which are expected to take place during the weekend. The premier, aware that elections would not be in his interest at the moment, has no intention of resigning, and seeing as Nikolić has rejected the possibility of the Radicals supporting a minority government, this [I assume the state of emergency -- EG] is his last offer.

More in the edition of Saturday, 9 February 2008.

Also possibly of interest, Mark Tran writes in The Guardian today (in a news article, not an opinion piece!): "Koštunica has abandoned his pro-western Democratic party coalition allies in favour of an impromptu alliance with the extreme nationalist opposition, the Serbian Radical party."

Update: The next day's edition does not add much, just two quotations from anonymous sources.

Desimir Tošić, 1920-2008

He did a lot of things over the course of a long life, all of them worthy of respect. More to come.

Update: I hope to be able to have a text for East Ethnia from a friend who knew Tošić well. In the meantime, here is an interview from Danas from 2003.

Glupi telefoni

Now that Tadić has won an election (more or less) on his own, Koštunica no longer holds a dominant position in the government he heads. So he has decided to obstruct its functioning by refusing to allow it to meet to vote on an issue he knows he will lose. This is more or less as I observed in the short piece I wrote just after the election:

This significant development echoes another, little noticed one that happened in the week before the election. It was in itself a minor event, but something happened in the governing coalition for the first time since it was formed after an arduous four-month process in May 2007: the ministers from the DS and the G17+ outvoted, en bloc, the ministers from the DSS and the NS. Few people will be materially affected by the decision, but as an announcement of the intention by the DS to function as an autonomous political actor, its importance is unmistakable. The DS now has a president with a majority mandate, and it controls a majority of the seats in the cabinet.

An obvious consequence is that the government could easily fall. This was probably the more likely of the two scenarios I set out (the other was that Koštunica would brave marginality to keep the job he thinks is his by right).

But I did not have a sense when I offered the prediction that it would happen within a week. DSS-NS and its allies in SRS and SPS want a discussion in parliament on Serbia's kobajagi agreement with the EU without the government meeting beforehand to give its recommendation, as the law requires. So Koštunica has been ignoring demands by the majority of government ministers, the presiding officer of the parliament, and the president of the republic to schedule a meeting of the cabinet.

Some sort of compromise appears to have been reached, if you can call it that. The cabinet will meet by telephone. I do not know what sort of procedural rules apply to such a meeting, but there have been stranger meetings.

Koštunica put himself in the position of holding a vote in the cabinet, which he would lose, or causing new elections, which he would also lose. The second of these is what will most likely happen, sooner rather than later.

Correction: The ministers will chat over the telephone about the sale of the mining operation in Bor, but not about the agreement with the EU. Selling off the country's natural resources is important, its future is not.

Accelerating the forces of academic productivity

Another round of elections in Serbia, another article.

All tomorrow's promises

Thanks to friend of East Ethnia EK for this ..... great moments in political marketing from the star of Davitelj protiv davitelja.





Better moments, if I can put it that way. About this I would not be able to tell you much.

Državni ljubimci

Thanks to friend of East Ethnia AR for this: Over at Global Voices, Elia Varela Serra profiles a couple of new blogs in Bosnia-Hercegovina. One of them is by the president of the federal presidency Željko Komšić, who addresses his public in a pleasant conversational style. UK ambassador to BH Matthew Rycroft is a little more formal, but when he is not diplomatifying he is also a bass player.

Bol do ludila

East Ethnia takes a moment out of its busy day to inform its readers that just like you, it also has no idea what Marija Šerifović is thinking.

Killing me softly

Probably nobody will be so surprised that this song, "Tihi ubica" by Jelena Karleuša, is a pretty uninteresting reworking of pop motifs that are well known to everyone. Nor is anybody likely to be terribly surprised that a TF (yes, since the genre no longer contains "turbo" or "folk," we should drop all referents from its name like they did with KFC) video is modelled after a Martian's dream of what a lingerie catalog must look like. Some of you may recognise the building in which the spot was filmed -- I will confess that I did not until I read a news item about it -- as a place of some renown. It is in fact the oldest educational institution in Serbia, the secondary school in Sremski Karlovci. In all probability this is the first time the institution has been used as a backdrop for cheesecake with čvarci since the school opened its doors in 1792. The alumni are angry, and the director says he has no idea how permission was granted.

My opinion? I think the doggie in the video is very impressive.

Glasali ste....

There is undoubtedly a bunch of stuff to said about yesterday's election in Serbia. Some of what I had to say I said here.

Numbers, qv: strength in

Polls are still open Serbia's presidential election, and projected results will not come before they close later tonight, but already CeSiD is reporting an extraordinarily high turnout. Previous experience would suggest that this is a good sign.

Dostižna li beše?

Today Milorad Ulemek and a number of his other friends from the prime minister-killing, kidnapping, massacring, smack-dealing, office-bombing, Nokia-gifting and pinochle club known to admirers and detractors alike as the "Zemun clan" were sentenced to a total of 465 years in prison. If those years were laid end to end, they would stretch from the battle of Kosovo in 1389 to the opening of the first horse-drawn protorailway on the Lisava–Oravica–Bazijas line in 1854. Or if you prefer, to the birth of the fair to middling historical figure Milan Obrenović in the same year.

They called him Bobby

Today we learned of the passing of the former chess champion Bobby Fischer. He became a bit of a cause celebre in (what was then) the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for taking a bunch of money to stage a rematch against Boris Spassky in 1992. This earned him the wrath of the US government, which wanted to prosecute for violating sanctions, and in 1995 he was granted residence in Iceland, where he had fabulously made his fame in 1972.

At the time it seemed like a big deal that the chess match violated sanctions, but none of that seems so terribly important given everything that has been learned about the sanctions, the way they were used ideologically in Serbia, and the extremely lucrative way in which they were regularly violated in the meantime. It was dumb of the US government to want to prosecute people for playing chess. But Mr Fischer did not make matters any easier with his extreme public statements and unique way of handling correspondence. So the US government was petty, and Mr Fischer got a widely publicised and well deserved reputation as a nutter. An ugly situation all around.

Maybe there will be an opportunity now to remember him for what he achieved, less so than for what he became.

Tata kupi mi auto

Okay, so you probably already know about the super-inexpensive car manufactured by Tata Motors. It is marginally less likely that you have heard of the ultraslick all-electric, no-emission sportmobile manufactured by Tesla Motors.

Big Radical brother?

I was just listening to Radio B92 and heard (svim srcem, a o ušima da ne pričamo) something I thought I would never be likely to hear: a paid political advertisement from the campaign of Tomislav Nikolić! This either indicates something about the SRS (which would be nice, but improbable), or something about Serbia (which would be interesting, but nebulous), or something about B92 (which would be lucrative, but a crying shame -- however predictable).

CeSiD: Result depends on second choices

Based on their survey of voter preferences, CeSid is predicting that SRS candidate Tomislav Nikolić will have a slight edge in the first round of voting for the Serbian presidency, but that the shift of voters from the other candidates would mean reelection for DS candidate Boris Tadić in the second round.

Another interesting finding from the survey is that a large number of voters from the smaller parties are not intending to support their party's candidates: 73% of LDP voters say they will vote for Tadić instead of Čedomir Jovanović, 43%of DSS-NS voters prefer Tadić over their candidate Velimir Ilić, while some proportion of SPS voters and 2% of DSS voters say they will vote for Nikolić.

Increasingly (as Nikolić himself predicted), there are two political blocs in Serbia: one represented most strongly by DS, and the other represented most strongly by SRS. There are two main consequences of smaller parties putting forward candidates with no hope of winning in the first round: 1) to make SRS appear to be more popular than it really is, and 2) to give Koštunica power as a broker that is out of proportion with the support that his party enjoys and inconsistent with the preferences of most of his party's members. But there is another dimension here as well: DS also relies on the support of other parties because it cannot turn out its own supporters. While 74% of SRS voters say they will vote for Nikolić, only 60% of DS voters say they will vote for Tadić.

Free radicals?

Novi Sad mayor Maja Gojković has made at least the first step to breaking from and competing with the Serbian Radical Party. She has founded a "citizens group" called "for our Novi Sad." Presumably the plan is to allow her to continue to put herself up as a candidate for mayor without having to be the candidate of the party which still considers her a member (whether she agrees or not). Should her group develop into a political party, it might not have much potential to draw support outside of Novi Sad, but this would be enough to weaken the position of SRS in Vojvodina generally.

PS: According to Edo Maajka, this means that she is no longer among the only ones who have held to their principles. But he means that in a bad way.

PPS: The article linked above has now been updated -- Ms Gojković denies the report. Does this mean that Edo Maajka can continue to kobajagi respect her?

PPPS: Interestingly, it seems that the Novi Sad SRS organisation continues to believe that Ms Gojković is a member, while SRS (acting) leader Tomislav Nikolić thinks otherwise.

Mašala! BT comes through

And another bureaucratic saga comes to an end (we hope). BT has come through with the internet service, credit where credit is due. And have offered me eight months free broadband as a token of something or another.

In related bureaucratic news, the Home Office has now publicly declared its intention not to pursue students who overstay their visas with an eye toward deportation. This bothers me not much at all -- let a thousand students bloom -- but there is something interesting about the explanation offered by the director of the BIA (which is neither the Bureau of Indian Affairs nor the Bezbednosno-informativna agencija, but the Borders and Immigration Agency). She says she wants immiration officers to use "common sense" and remain "focussed on those people that are causing harm." Now, how is that supposed to make a boy feel? Or is it, in the words of an immigration officers' union functionary, a matter that "Home Office priorities depend on what the media are paying attention to at any particular time."?

Ellowen deeowen

I'm packed and ready to return to London today. It turned out there was space in the suitcase for the Lajoš hat. Back at you soon from the other side of the pond.

Calculation: Plus ça change

The decision by DSS to offer its support to Velimir Ilić rather than Boris Tadić in the first round of Serbia's presidential elections means the following:

1. DSS has decided to continue its long-term campaign to discredit itself.
2. Ilić will get between 10 and 12 percent in the first round, which will indicate the number of people who support DSS plus the half percent or so who support him.
3. This will lead to a panic at the end of January, with international media splashing around headlines claiming that Toma Grobar "won" the first round with his 30-35%.
4. Koštunjavi will demand major concessions from Tadić for support in the second round, and since Tadić is a fool, he will provide them.
5. Tadić will be reelected against the same opponent he faced the last time around, by a larger margin than before.
6. Koštunjavi will continue to exercise power well out of proportion to the popular support his party enjoys, and Tadić will continue to fail to exercise even the power he has.

If these predictions are wrong, you will know in just over two weeks.

A reservation: Look at the comments to the story linked above, and you will find an interesting alternative theory -- that by pumping the Ilić candidacy, DSS is engaged in a fiendishly clever effort to split the potential vote for Nikolić into three camps, with some going to Ilić and some going to SPS candidate Milutin Mrkonjić. This presumably leaves a clearer path for Tadić, who has only LDP as serious competition for votes from the liberal camp. It is plausible, except that it requires attributing cleverness to DSS, and assuming that their leadership has less affinity for SRS than the evidence suggests. Another alternative theory suggested in the comments is that DSS has now made it easier for Tadić's supporters to vote for him, but that might just be some cheap rhetorical point-scoring.